The international legal arguments and direct activities of the Polish emigrant governments of V. Sikorski (October 1939 – July 4, 1943), S. Mykolaychyk (July 1943 – November 1944), and T. Artsyszewski (1944–1947) on the issue of defining the postwar borders of Poland, including a section with the Ukrainian SSR. An attempt to assess the effectiveness of their activities was made. The main outlines of foreign policy of the emigrant government and a comprehensive set of international legal arguments, which would be used during the Second World War and after its end have already been formed in the autumn of 1939: Pacta sunt servanda. The German attack on Poland on September 1, 1939 – a breach of the Polish-German Non-Aggression Treaty (January 1934) by the Germans, for which the aggressor must be punished (reparations and territorial losses). The Polish-Soviet border was defined by the Treaty of Riga in 1921. The invasion on September 17, 1939 was an act of aggression, and thus a violation of the Soviet-Polish Non-Aggression Pact (July 25, 1932), for which the aggressor must be punished in accordance with international law. This last requirement was temporarily withdrawn after reaching an agreement with the USSR in July 1941. At the same time, the emigrant government completely ignored the emergence of a new reality in interwar international law – the recognition of the right of nations to self-determination. It was declared for the first time in the so-called 14 points of President Wilson (January 8, 1918), and was actively used in the redrawing of European interstate borders by the Versailles Conference. Besides this, the requirements of «historical rights» of Poland to East Prussia and others (eastern)German territories in the middle of the twentieth century looked like an outright anachronism. Therefore the Polish emigrant government denied Ukrainians, Belarusians, and even Lithuania (already as the Lithuanian SSR) the recognition of their statehood, reducing the ethno-territorial dispute to resolving the issue of the «Polish-Russian border». The weakness of the Polish position was in this. The weakness of the Soviet counterarguments was the extent to which the «plebiscites» in Western Ukraine, Western Belarus (October 1939) and the transfer of the Vilnius region to Lithuania corresponded to the international legal norms of the time. The position «not only the cloak, but also the button will not be given away», which was consistently followed by the governments of V. Sikorsky, S. Mykolaychyk and T. Artsyshevsky, at first glance, seems to be detached from the reality, and therefore not effective. Nevertheless, Moscow's main preliminary concessions on the issue of Poland's postwar eastern borders (Bialystok, Przemyśl, Suwalki, etc.) were made precisely in opposition to «inadequate emigrants». The Polish Government of National Unity (PGNU), which was loyal to the Kremlin, in negotiations with the Soviet side in the summer of 1945 on the section of the Polish-Ukrainian border managed to «bargain» only a small area in the Beskids with Halych and Tarnitsa on the east of Ustryk Horny (the so-called territory exchange in 1951 is not taken into account here). The territorial gains of Poland (the post-war Polish People's Republic) and, accordingly, the territorial losses of Ukraine (post-war Ukrainian SSR) must be attributed primarily to the accounts of Polish emigrant governments in London.
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